⌚ Dolphin Slaughter Persuasive Essay

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Dolphin Slaughter Persuasive Essay

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Baby Dolphins Hunted \u0026 Slaughtered In Taiji, Japan

In France, within a matter of hours, the French retake and then lose the city of Rouen. After the battle, Bedford dies, and Talbot assumes direct command of the army. The Dauphin is horrified at the loss of Rouen, but Joan tells him not to worry. She then persuades the powerful Duke of Burgundy , who had been fighting for the English, to switch sides, and join the French.

Meanwhile, Henry arrives in Paris and upon learning of Burgundy's betrayal, he sends Talbot to speak with him. Henry then pleads for Richard and Somerset to put aside their conflict, and, unaware of the implications of his actions, he chooses a red rose, symbolically aligning himself with Somerset and alienating Richard. Prior to returning to England, in an effort to secure peace between Somerset and Richard, Henry places Richard in command of the infantry and Somerset in command of the cavalry. Meanwhile, Talbot approaches Bordeaux , but the French army swings around and traps him. Talbot sends word for reinforcements, but the conflict between Richard and Somerset leads them to second guess one another, and neither of them send any, both blaming the other for the mix-up.

The English army is subsequently destroyed, and both Talbot and his son are killed. After the battle, Joan's visions desert her, and she is captured by Richard and burned at the stake. The French listen to the English terms, under which Charles is to be a viceroy to Henry and reluctantly agree, but only with the intention of breaking their oath at a later date and expelling the English from France.

Meanwhile, the Earl of Suffolk has captured a young French princess, Margaret of Anjou , whom he intends to marry to Henry in order that he can dominate the king through her. Travelling back to England, he attempts to persuade Henry to marry Margaret. Gloucester advises Henry against the marriage, as Margaret's family is not rich and the marriage would not be advantageous to his position as king. But Henry is taken in by Suffolk's description of Margaret's beauty, and he agrees to the proposal.

Suffolk then heads back to France to bring Margaret to England as Gloucester worryingly ponders what the future may hold. Also, as with most of Shakespeare's chronicle histories, Raphael Holinshed 's Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland ; 2nd edition was also consulted. However, there are enough differences between Hall and Holinshed to establish that Shakespeare must have consulted both of them.

For example, Shakespeare must have used Hall for the scene where Gloucester is attempting to gain access to the Tower, and Woodville tells him that the order not to admit anyone came from Winchester. Only in Hall is there any indication that Henry V had a problem with Winchester. In Holinshed, there is nothing to suggest any disagreement or conflict between them. In the play, he dies immediately, and the rest of the scene focuses on the death of the more senior soldier Salisbury. Likewise, in Hall, Gargrave dies immediately after the attack. In Holinshed, however, Gargrave takes two days to die as he did in reality.

During their debate in Act 3, Scene 1, Gloucester accuses Winchester of attempting to have him assassinated on London Bridge. Hall mentions this assassination attempt, explaining that it was supposed to have taken place at the Southwark end of the bridge in an effort to prevent Gloucester from joining Henry V in Eltham Palace. Another incident possibly taken from Hall is found in Act 3, Scene 2, where Joan and the French soldiers disguise themselves as peasants and sneak into Rouen.

This is not an historical event, and it is not recorded in either Hall or Holinshed. However, a very similar such incident is recorded in Hall, where he reports of the capture of Cornhill Castle in Cornhill-on-Tweed by the English in On the other hand, some aspects of the play are unique to Holinshed. Only in Holinshed is it reported that on his deathbed, Henry V elicited vows from Bedford, Gloucester and Exeter that they would never willingly surrender France, and would never allow the Dauphin to become king.

According to Judges 4 and 5, Deborah masterminded Barak 's surprise victory against the Canaanite army led by Sisera , which had suppressed the Israelites for over twenty years. No such comparison is found in Hall. Holinshed reports that the English captured several of the suburbs on the other side of the Loire , something not found in Hall. Firstly, it is unlikely to have been either 2 Henry VI or 3 Henry VI , as they were published in and , respectively, with the titles under which they would have originally been performed, so as to ensure higher sales.

As neither of them appear under the title Harey Vj , the play seen by Henslowe is unlikely to be either of them. Additionally, as Gary Taylor points out, Henslowe tended to identify sequels, but not first parts, to which he referred by the general title. Nashe praises a play that features Lord Talbot: "How would it have joyed brave Talbot the terror of the French , to think that after he had lain two hundred years in his tomb, he should triumph again on the stage, and have his bones new embalmed with the tears of ten thousand spectators at least , who in the tragedian that represents his person imagine they behold him fresh bleeding.

If Nashe's comment is accepted as evidence that the play seen by Henslowe was 1 Henry VI , to have been on stage as a new play in March , it must have been written in There is a separate question concerning the date of composition, however. This theory was first suggested by E. Chambers in and revised by John Dover Wilson in The theory is that The Contention and True Tragedy were originally conceived as a two-part play, and due to their success, a prequel was created. Obviously, the title of The Contention , where it is referred to as The First Part is a large part of this theory, but various critics have offered further pieces of evidence to suggest 1 Henry VI was not the first play written in the trilogy.

McKerrow , for example, argues that "if 2 Henry VI was originally written to continue the first part, it seems utterly incomprehensible that it should contain no allusion to the prowess of Talbot. Eliot Slater comes to the same conclusion in his statistical examination of the vocabulary of all three Henry VI plays, where he argues that 1 Henry VI was written either immediately before or immediately after 3 Henry VI , hence it must have been written last. One argument against this theory is that 1 Henry VI is the weakest of the trilogy, and therefore, logic would suggest it was written first. This argument suggests that Shakespeare could only have created such a weak play if it was his first attempt to turn his chronicle sources into drama.

Emrys Jones is one notable critic who supports this view. As such, all of the play's problems can be attributed to its co-authors rather than Shakespeare himself, who may have had a relatively limited hand in its composition. In this sense, the fact that 1 Henry VI is the weakest of the trilogy has nothing to do with when it may have been written, but instead concerns only how it was written. As this implies, there is no critical consensus on this issue. Samuel Johnson , writing in his edition of The Plays of William Shakespeare , pre-empted the debate and argued that the plays were written in sequence: "It is apparent that [ 2 Henry VI ] begins where the former ends, and continues the series of transactions, of which it presupposes the first part already written.

This is a sufficient proof that the second and third parts were not written without dependence on the first. Tillyard , for example, writing in , believes the plays were written in order, as does Andrew S. Cairncross in his editions of all three plays for the 2nd series of the Arden Shakespeare , and Honigmann also agrees, in his "early start" theory of which argues that Shakespeare's first play was Titus Andronicus , which Honigmann posits was written in Ultimately, the question of the order of composition remains unanswered, and the only thing that critics can agree on is that all three plays in whatever order were written by early at the latest.

The text of the play was not published until the First Folio , under the title The first part of Henry the Sixt. When it came to be called Part 1 is unclear, although most critics tend to assume it was the invention of the First Folio editors, John Heminges and Henry Condell , as there are no references to the play under the title Part 1 , or any derivative thereof, prior to Some critics argue that the Henry VI trilogy were the first plays based on recent English history, and, as such, they deserve an elevated position in the canon and a more central role in Shakespearean criticism.

According to F. Wilson, for example, "There is no certain evidence that any dramatist before the defeat of the Spanish Armada in dared to put upon the public stage a play based upon English history [ Paola Pugliatti however argues that the case may be somewhere between Wilson and Taylor's argument: "Shakespeare may not have been the first to bring English history before the audience of a public playhouse, but he was certainly the first to treat it in the manner of a mature historian rather than in the manner of a worshipper of historical, political and religious myth.

Another issue often discussed amongst critics is the quality of the play. Along with 3 Henry VI , 1 Henry VI has traditionally been seen as one of Shakespeare's weakest works, with critics often citing the amount of violence as indicative of Shakespeare's artistic immaturity and inability to handle his chronicle sources, especially when compared to the more nuanced and far less violent second historical tetralogy Richard II , 1 Henry IV , 2 Henry IV and Henry V.

For example, critics such as E. Tillyard, [24] Irving Ribner [25] and A. Rossiter [26] have all claimed that the play violates neoclassical precepts of drama , which dictate that violence and battle should never be shown mimetically on stage, but should always be reported diegetically in dialogue. This view was based on traditional notions of the distinction between high and low art, a distinction based partly upon Philip Sidney 's An Apology for Poetry Based on the work of Horace , Sidney criticised Thomas Norton and Thomas Sackville 's Gorboduc for showing too many battles and being too violent when it would have been more artistic to verbally represent such scenes.

The belief was that any play that showed violence was crude, appealing only to the ignorant masses, and was therefore low art. On the other hand, any play that elevated itself above such direct representation of violence and instead relied on the writer's ability to verbalise and his skill for diegesis, was considered artistically superior and, therefore, high art. Writing in , Ben Jonson commented in The Masque of Blackness that showing battles on stage was only "for the vulgar, who are better delighted with that which pleaseth the eye, than contenteth the ear. On the other hand, however, writers like Thomas Heywood and Thomas Nashe praised battle scenes in general as often being intrinsic to the play and not simply vulgar distractions for the illiterate.

In Piers Penniless , Nashe praised the didactic element of drama that depicted battle and martial action, arguing that such plays were a good way of teaching both history and military tactics to the masses; in such plays "our forefather's valiant acts that have lain long buried in rusty brass and worm-eaten books are revived. Questions of originality and quality, however, are not the only critical disagreement 1 Henry VI has provoked.

Numerous other issues divide critics, not the least of which concerns the authorship of the play. A number of Shakespeare's early plays have been examined for signs of co-authorship The Taming of the Shrew , The Contention [i. The belief that Shakespeare may have written very little of 1 Henry VI first came from Edmond Malone in his edition of Shakespeare's plays, which included A Dissertation on the Three Parts of King Henry VI , in which he argued that the large number of classical allusions in the play was more characteristic of Nashe, Peele, or Greene than of early Shakespeare. Malone also argued that the language itself indicated someone other than Shakespeare. This view was dominant until , when Peter Alexander challenged it.

In , E. Tillyard argued that Shakespeare most likely wrote the entire play; in , John Dover Wilson claimed Shakespeare wrote little of it. In perhaps the most exhaustive analysis of the debate, the article, "Shakespeare and Others: The Authorship of Henry the Sixth, Part One ", Gary Taylor suggests that approximately Taylor argues that Nashe almost certainly wrote all of Act 1, but he attributes to Shakespeare 2. Taylor also suggests that the Temple Garden scene 2. Scenes 4. Roger Warren, for instance, argues that these scenes are written in a language "so banal they must be non-Shakespearean.

Other than Taylor, however, several other critics also disagree with Warren's assessment of the quality of the language, arguing that the passages are more complex and accomplished than has hitherto been allowed for. Michael Taylor, for example, argues that "the rhyming dialogue between the Talbots — often stichomythic — shapes a kind of noble flyting match, a competition as to who can out- oblige the other. In this sense, his failure to use couplets elsewhere in a tragic passage [36] can thus be attributed to an aesthetic choice on his part, rather than offered as evidence of co-authorship. Other scenes in the play have also been identified as offering possible evidence of co-authorship.

For example, the opening lines of Act 1, Scene 2 have been argued to show clear evidence of Nashe's hand. Some critics believe that this statement is paraphrased in Nashe's later pamphlet Have with You to Saffron-Walden , which contains the line, "You are as ignorant as the astronomers are in the true movings of Mars, which to this day, they never could attain to. Shakespeare and Marlowe, for example, often paraphrased each another's plays. The word 'Golias', Sheehan argues, is unusual insofar as all bibles in Shakespeare's day spelt the name 'Goliath'; it was only in much older editions of the Bible that it was spelt 'Golias'. Sheehan concludes that the use of the arcane spelling is more indicative of Nashe, who was prone to using older spellings of certain words, than Shakespeare, who was less likely to do so.

However, evidence of Shakespeare's authorship has also been found within the play. A similar point is made by Lawrence V. Ryan, who suggests that the play fits so well into Shakespeare's overall style, with an intricate integration of form and content, that it was most likely written by him alone. Another aspect of the debate is the actual likelihood of Shakespeare collaborating at all. Some critics, such as Hattaway and Cairncross, argue that it is unlikely that a young, up-and-coming dramatist trying to make a name for himself would have collaborated with other authors so early in his career. On the other hand, Michael Taylor suggests "it is not difficult to construct an imaginary scenario that has a harassed author calling on friends and colleagues to help him construct an unexpectedly commissioned piece in a hurry.

Another argument that challenges the co-authorship idea is that the basic theory of co-authorship was originally hypothesised in the 18th and 19th centuries due to a distaste for the treatment of Joan. Critics were uncomfortable attributing such a harsh depiction to Shakespeare, so they embraced the co-authorship theory to 'clear his name', suggesting that he could not have been responsible for the merciless characterization. As with the question of the order in which the trilogy was written, twentieth century editors and scholars remain staunchly divided on the question of authorship.

Edward Burns, for example, in his edition of the play for the Arden Shakespeare 3rd series, suggests that it is highly unlikely that Shakespeare wrote alone, and, throughout his introduction and commentary, he refers to the writer not as Shakespeare but as 'the dramatists'. He also suggests that the play should be more properly called Harry VI, by Shakespeare, Nashe and others. Cairncross, editor of the play for the Arden Shakespeare 2nd series in , ascribes the entire play to Shakespeare, as does Lawrence V.

In his edition of the play, Dover Wilson, on the other hand, argued that the play was almost entirely written by others, and that Shakespeare actually had little to do with its composition. Speaking during a radio presentation of The Contention and True Tragedy, which he produced, Dover Wilson argued that he had not included 1 Henry VI because it is a "patchwork in which Shakespeare collaborated with inferior dramatists. On the other hand, Michael Taylor believes that Shakespeare almost certainly wrote the entire play, as does J.

Tobin, who, in his essay in Henry VI: Critical Essays , argues the similarities to Nashe do not reveal the hand of Nashe at work in the composition of the play, but instead reveal Shakespeare imitating Nashe. Vincent has re-examined the question in light of recent research into the Elizabethan theatre, concluding that 1 Henry VI is Shakespeare's partial revision of a play by Nashe Act 1 and an unknown playwright Acts 2—5 and that it was the original, non-Shakespearean, play that was first performed on 3 March Shakespeare's work in the play, which was most likely composed in , can be found in Act 2 scene 4 and Act 4 scenes 2—5 and the first 32 lines of scene 7.

The very functioning of language itself is literally a theme in the play, with particular emphasis placed on its ability to represent by means of signs semiosis , the power of language to sway, the aggressive potential of language, the failure of language to adequately describe reality and the manipulation of language so as to hide the truth. Like Charles, Auvergne has been astonished with the 'high terms' bestowed on Talbot, and now she wishes to see if the report and the reality conflate. Later, she uses language to persuade Burgundy to join with the Dauphin against the English. Here, language is shown to be so powerful as to act on Burgundy the same way Nature itself would act, to the point where he is unsure if he has been persuaded by a natural occurrence or by Joan's words.

Language is thus presented as capable of transforming ideology. As Joan finishes her speech, Burgundy again attests to the power of her language, "I am vanquish'd. Later, something similar happens with Henry, who agrees to marry Margaret merely because of Suffolk's description of her. Here, again, the power of language is shown to be so strong as to be confused with a natural phenomenon. Language can also be employed aggressively. For example, after the death of Salisbury, when Talbot first hears about Joan, he contemptuously refers to her and Charles as "Puzel or pussel, dolphin or dogfish " 1.

In French, 'puzel' means slut , and 'pussel' is a variation of 'pucelle' meaning virgin , but with an added negative connotation. These two words, 'puzel' and 'pussel', are both puns on Joan's name Pucelle , thus showing Talbot's utter contempt for her. Here words specifically Talbot's name literally become weapons, and are used directly to strike fear into the enemy.

However although words are occasionally shown to be powerful and deeply persuasive, they also often fail in their signifying role, exposed as incapable of adequately representing reality. This idea is introduced by Gloucester at Henry V's funeral, where he laments that words cannot encompass the life of such a great king: "What should I say? His deeds exceed all speech" 1. Later, when Gloucester and Winchester confront one another outside the Tower of London, Gloucester champions the power of real action over the power of threatening words: "I will not answer thee with words but blows" 1.

Similarly, after the French capture Rouen and refuse to meet the English army in the battlefield, Bedford asserts, "O let no words, but deeds, revenge this treason " 3. Another example of the failure of language is found when Suffolk finds himself lost for words whilst attempting to woo Margaret: "Fain would I woo her, yet I dare not speak. Later, Joan's words, so successful during the play in convincing others to support her, explicitly fail to save her life, as she is told by Warwick, "Strumpet, thy words condemn thy brat and thee. Language as a system is also shown to be open to manipulation. Words can be employed for deceptive purposes, as the representative function of language gives way to deceit.

Another example occurs when Henry forces Winchester and Gloucester to put aside their animosity and shake hands. Their public words here stand in diametric opposition to their private intentions;. So help me God as I dissemble not. Act 2, Scene 4 is perhaps the most important scene in the play in terms of language, as it is in this scene where Richard introduces the notion of what he calls "dumb significants," something that carries resonance throughout the trilogy. As such, the roses essentially function as symbols , replacing the very need for language. Once all the lords select their roses, these symbolize the houses they represent. Henry chooses a red rose—totally unaware of the implications of his actions, as he does not understand the power the "dumb significants" have.

He places his trust in a more literal type of language, and thus selects a rose in what he thinks is a meaningless gesture—but that does in fact have profound implications. Henry's mistake results directly from his failure to grasp the importance of silent actions and symbolic decisions; "a gesture—especially such an ill-considered one—is worth and makes worthless, a thousand pretty words. A fundamental theme in the play is the death of chivalry , "the decline of England's empire over France and the accompanying decay of the ideas of feudalism that had sustained the order of the realm.

As such, Michael Taylor refers to him as "the representative of a chivalry that was fast decaying," [54] whilst Michael Hattaway sees him as "a figure for the nostalgia that suffuses the play, a dream of simple chivalric virtus like that enacted every year at Elizabeth 's Accession Day tilts , a dream of true empire. He is designed to appeal to a popular audience, and his death scene where he calls for troops who do not appear is yet another demonstration of the destructiveness of aristocratic factionalism. One of the clearest examples of Talbot's adherence to the codes of chivalry is seen in his response to Fastolf's desertion from the battlefield. As far as Talbot is concerned, Fastolf's actions reveal him as a dishonourable coward who places self-preservation above self-sacrifice, and thus he represents everything wrong with the modern knight.

This is in direct contrast to the chivalry that Talbot represents, a chivalry he remembers fondly from days gone by:. This dastard, at the Battle of Patay , When but in all I was six thousand strong, And that the French were almost ten to one, Before we met, or that a stroke was given, Like to a trusty squire did run away; In which assault we lost twelve hundred men. Myself and divers gentlemen beside Were there surprised and taken prisoners. Then judge, great lords, if I have done amiss, Or whether that such cowards ought to wear This ornament of knighthood: yea or no? TALBOT When first this order was ordained, my lords, Knights of the garter were of noble birth, Valiant and virtuous, full of haughty courage, Such as were grown to credit by the wars; Not fearing death nor shrinking for distress, But always resolute in most extremes.

He then that is not furnished in this sort Doth but usurp the sacred name of knight, Profaning this most honourable order, And should — if I were worthy to be judge — Be quite degraded, like a hedge-born swain That doth presume to boast of gentle blood. Talbot's description of Fastolf's actions stands in direct contrast to the image of an ideal knight, and as such, the ideal and the reality serve to highlight one another, and thus reveal the discrepancy between them. Similarly, just as Talbot uses knights to represent an ideal past, by remembering how they used to be chivalric, so too does Gloucester in relation to Henry V, who he also sees as representing a glorious and honourable past:.

England ne're had a king until his time. Virtue he had, deserving to command; His brandished sword did bind men with his beams, His arms spread wider than a dragon 's wings, His sparkling eyes, replete with wrathful fire, More dazzled and drove back his enemies Than midday sun fierce bent against their faces. Henry V has this function throughout much of the play; "he is presented not as a man but as a rhetorical construct fashioned out of hyperbole , as a heroic image or heraldic icon.

The play, however, does not simply depict the fall of one order; it also depicts the rise of another; "How the nation might have remained true to itself is signified by the words and deeds of Talbot. What she is in danger of becoming is signified by the shortcomings of the French, failings that crop up increasingly amongst Englishman [ This is seen most clearly when she sneaks into Rouen and subsequently refuses to face Talbot in a battle.

Talbot finds this kind of behaviour incomprehensible and utterly dishonourable. As such, he finds himself fighting an enemy who uses tactics he is incapable of understanding; with the French using what he sees as unconventional methods, he proves unable to adapt. This represents one of the ironies in the play's depiction of chivalry; it is the very resoluteness of Talbot's honour and integrity, his insistence in preserving an old code abandoned by all others, which ultimately defeats him; his inability to adjust means he becomes unable to function in the newly established 'dishonourable' context. As such, the play is not entirely nostalgic about chivalry; "so often the tenets of chivalry are mocked by word and action. The play is full of moments of punctured aristocratic hauteur.

Talbot's mode of chivalry is replaced by politicians concerned only with themselves and their own advancement: Winchester, Somerset, Suffolk, even Richard. But with the death of Talbot, one starts to see a demise of chivalry. As such, by the end of the play, both Talbot and his son lay dead, as does the notion of English chivalry. Hand-in-hand with the examination of chivalry with which the play engages is an examination of patriotism.

Indeed, some critics argue that patriotism provided the impetus for the play in the first place. England defeated the Spanish Armada in , leading to a short-lived period of international confidence and patriotic pride—but by , the national mood was one of despondency, and as such, 1 Henry VI may have been commissioned to help dispel this mood: "The patriotic emotions to which this play shamelessly appeals resonate at an especially fragile time politically speaking.

Frightening memories of the Spanish Armada, or of the Babington Plot of , which led to the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots ; concerns over a noticeably declining and still unmarried Queen Elizabeth; worries over Catholic recusancy ; fear of military involvement in Europe, and, just as disquietingly, in Ireland, combine to make a patriotic response a matter of some urgency. Evidence of this is seen throughout. For example, the English seem vastly outnumbered in every battle, yet they never give up, and often they prove victorious.

Indeed, even when they do lose, the suggestion is often made that it was because of treachery, as only by duplicitous means could their hardiness be overcome. For example, during the Battle of Patay where Talbot is captured , the messenger reports,. The tenth of August last, this dreadful lord [i. He wanted pikes to set before his archers ; Instead whereof sharp stakes plucked out of hedges They pitch'd in the ground confusedly To keep the horsemen off from breaking in. More than three hours the fight continu'd, Where valiant Talbot, above human thought, Enacted wonders with his sword and lance.

Hundreds he sent to hell , and none durst stand him; Here, there, and everywhere, enraged he slew. The French exclaimed the devil was in arms: All the whole army stood agazed on him. Here had the conquest fully been sealed up If Sir John Fastolf had not played the coward. He, being in the vanguard placed behind, With purpose to relieve and follow them, Cowardly fled, not having struck one stroke. Hence flew the general wrack and massacre; Enclos'd were they with their enemies. A base Walloon , to win the Dauphin's grace, Thrust Talbot with a spear into the back — Whom all France, with their chief assembled strength, Durst not presume to look once in the face.

Here Fastolf's betrayal is the direct cause of the English defeat, not the fact that they were outnumbered ten-to-one, that they were hit by a surprise attack or that they were surrounded. This notion is returned to several times, with the implication each time that only treachery can account for an English defeat. For example, upon hearing of the first loss of towns in France, Exeter immediately asks, "How were they lost?

What treachery was used? However, if the English are of the mind that they can only be defeated by treachery and betrayal, the play also presents the French as somewhat in awe of them, bearing a begrudging respect for them, and fearing their strength in battle. As such, whilst the English attribute every defeat to treachery, the French opinion of the English seems to imply that perhaps this is indeed the only way to beat them.

More truly now may this be verified, For none but Samsons and Goliases It sendeth forth to skirmish. One to ten? Lean raw-boned rascals — who would e'er suppose They had such courage and audacity. Of old I know them; rather with their teeth The walls they'll tear down than forsake the siege. As such, the play presents, to a certain extent, the English image of themselves as somewhat in line with the French image of them, with both stressing resoluteness and steadfastness. Another component of the patriotic sentiment is the religious note the play often strikes. On the whole, everything Catholic is represented as bad, everything Protestant is represented as good: "The play's popularity [in ] has to be seen against the backdrop of an extraordinary efflorescence of interest in political history in the last two decades of the sixteenth century fed by self-conscious patriotic Protestantism's fascination with its own biography in history.

It is not for nothing that Part One is persistently anti-Catholic in a number of ways despite the fact that in the fifteenth century the entire population of England was nominally Catholic though not, of course, in The French are presented as decadently Catholic, the English with the exception of the Bishop of Winchester as attractively Protestant. His biblical references are all from the Old Testament a source less fully used by Catholics and speak of stoicism and individual faith. Ultimately, the play depicts how the English lost France, a seemingly strange subject matter if Shakespeare was attempting to instil a sense of national pride in the people.

This is rendered even more so when one considers that Shakespeare could have written about how England won France in the first place: "The popularity of "Armada rhetoric" during the time of 1 Henry VI' s composition would have seemed to ask for a play about Henry V, not one which begins with his death and proceeds to dramatise English loses. Joan is introduced into the play by the Bastard, who, even before anyone has seen or met her, says, "A holy maid hither with me I bring" 1.

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Your ears work very Dolphin Slaughter Persuasive Essay like a radio set in reverse. Dual Dolphin Slaughter Persuasive Essay everywhere! But that's not Shakespeare.

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